Month: October 2022

Abortion and the Sexual Revolution

In 2020, COVlD ravaged the world, and people died by the millions.  The Center for Disease Control reports that in the United States in 2021, the year in which COVID deaths peaked, COVID “was associated with approximately 460,000 deaths.”[1] That is the worst year the United States had with COVID. 

In 2020, the United States aborted about 930,000 children.[2]  Thus, if COVID was a problem (and it was), abortion is more than double the problem.  In its down years, abortion takes the lives of far more people than COVID ever did in its worst year.  If you considered COVID to be bad, you should consider abortion to be worse. 

And yet, as big a problem as abortion is, it is really just a symptom of a deeper problem.  The West is inundated with thinking that drives the push for abortion on demand, and that thinking rises out of the sexual revolution.  The sexual revolution did not invent sexual immorality, but it normalized it and made it more palatable.  The sexual revolution encouraged sexual exploration and significantly lowered the standard for sexual activity from committed marriage between a husband and wife to mere consent.  It says we should be able to have sex when and where we want as long as there is consent.  In the West this thinking has increased sexual activity outside marriage and has cheapened the meaning of sex.  Consequently, the sexual revolution has also created a greater number of crisis pregnancies and, thus, in its own thinking, a greater need for abortions. 

One of the biggest consequences of free sex is unwanted pregnancy, and this is problematic to free sex because it means that sex isn’t free.  Sex has consequences.  Abortion, however, is a perceived remedy to the problem of pregnancy.  Have sex when and where you want, and if you get pregnant, no problem – get an abortion.  This is the way much of American culture thinks.  It’s a vicious circle.  Free sex creates more crisis pregnancies, which we resolve through more abortions so that we can be free to engage in sex as we wish, which then creates more crisis pregnancies, which we resolve . . .  We have to break this circle.  The sexual revolution has exacerbated the problem it wants abortion to remedy.  It increases crisis pregnancies and then complains that we have too many of them.  The sexual revolution is itself the problem. 

The sexual revolution wants dearly to reduce crisis pregnancies because crisis pregnancies interfere with free sex.  Of course, there is a way to significantly reduce crisis pregnancies, but that solution is not something the sexual revolution will consider because it involves the rejection of its main premise.  If we return sex to its proper place within the confines of a committed marriage between a husband and wife, we will significantly reduce unwanted pregnancies. 

If my proabortion friends really cared about sparing women from many difficult and unwanted pregnancies, there is an easier way to do that than abortion.  If the women are single, they could just say no to sex.  And the culture could teach single men to do the same.  I understand that that solution won’t cover every situation, but it will cover a boatload of them.  The proabortion position talks much about choice, but other than situations involving rape or incest, the mother has already made a choice.  She has chosen to participate in an action whose main purpose is procreation.  In the majority of those situations, the mother could have chosen not to get pregnant simply by abstaining from sex.  The prochoice position needs to consider the consequences of a woman’s choice before sex and not just after. 

Today, what I have suggested is considered ridiculous.  People read what I just said and laugh.  And that is precisely the problem.  Their ridicule illustrates my point.  A hundred years ago, the culture considered sex to be reserved for marriage.  That thinking was mainstream.  Today it is ludicrous. 

Our problem is deeper than abortion.  Abortion on demand is merely a symptom of the sexual revolution.  Western society thinks a certain way about sex, and that thinking produces a perceived need for abortions and with it a strong motive for dehumanizing unborn children.  Much of the West does not recognize the unborn as human because it does not want to.  The lives of the unborn interfere with free sex, and we want free sex.  These are some of the consequences of the sexual revolution, and we need to reject it.  It has been an abysmal failure. 

The sexual revolution is a deeper problem than abortion, but there is a problem even deeper than the sexual revolution.  It’s called self.  Self is what drives the sexual revolution.  In the West today, sex is about me, my pleasure, my desires, my happiness.  I decide.  I make my own rules.  And who are you to challenge me?  Only Christ and the Cross can deal with self.  We will not change the abortion problem until we change how we think about sex, and right now, sex in the West is so self-centered that we will never change how we think about it until we realize that our self is not the center of the universe.  Scripture has an answer to that problem.  It is called the Cross.  It is there that we die to self and that Christ by His grace gives us a new self. 


[1] https://www.cdc.gov/mmwr/volumes/71/wr/mm7117e1.htm?s_cid=mm7117e1_w

[2] https://www.guttmacher.org/article/2022/06/long-term-decline-us-abortions-reverses-showing-rising-need-abortion-supreme-court

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What is a Person?

A fetus is alive.  That is indisputable.  A fetus is human.  That is indisputable.  Put those two facts together and you find that a fetus is a human life. 

Everyone agrees that at some point a fetus has human worth.  Everyone has a magic line beyond which you can no longer kill.  Prolife people consistently believe that line to be conception because at conception we now have a human life. 

Proabortion people say, “No, that magic line lies elsewhere.”  They may not know exactly where that line is, and those who propose such a line certainly disagree amongst themselves over where that line is, but everyone draws a line somewhere.  No morally sane person believes you can go around killing newborns just for the convenience of the mother.  At some point we all agree:  this is now a human being.  You can’t kill him. 

The question then is this:  where is that line?  At what point do we have a human being?

I want to take this blog to discuss various proabortion answers to that question.  Where is the line beyond which you can no longer kill?

Some argue that birth is that line.  This means that the line varies from pregnancy to pregnancy.  Most children are born close to nine months gestation, but some come early and others late.  If birth is the line, then a child born at six months is protected more than a child with greater development but still in the womb.  The latter child has more ability but, unfortunately, he hasn’t been born yet.  Birth changes the location of the child but not the essence of the child.  This makes birth somewhat arbitrary to use as a line.  Is the definition of a human being based on his location or his essence?  If essence, then birth is irrelevant.  The child in the womb twenty minutes ago is no different in essence from the child out of the womb now. 

But some say that birth is not arbitrary.  They sometimes argue that a necessary part of being human is social interaction, and until you are born, you have no social interaction.  Let me ask some questions.  Does this mean that the hermit in the mountains is not human?  Does this mean that if we discovered that the fetus could have primitive social interaction (maybe learn and respond to a human voice), that he would then be human?  Does this mean that twins could be human but single births can’t?  Does this mean that someone in a coma is not human?  Define social interaction in a way that is not ad hoc.  And why is that a necessary criterion?

Some claim that the line is not at birth but at a certain level of development. 

And where is that level?  Six months gestation?  Eight months?  Nine months?  And why did you pick the level you did?  If you pick nine months, does this mean that a preemie born at seven months is not a human but the more developed baby at nine months is a human even though he is not yet born?  Does this mean that two babies at seven months gestation are the same when one is born and one is not?  If they are both human at seven months, then the one in utero must be human and you can’t abort him.  If they are not human, then the one that is born must not be human, and you can kill it.  This is a big problem with relying on a developmental stage to define who is and isn’t a human. 

Some claim that the line is viability.  But viability is incredibly elastic.  If viability is the line, then a child born in Dallas, Texas is a human at seven months, but a child born in rural Sudan is not a human until nine months.  If viability is the line, then in the 1700s babies were human at nine months, but now they are human at seven months.  And in another 100 years maybe they will be human at five months.  Could we one day have the technology to have babies survive outside the womb from conception on?  If so, then those future babies would be human at conception, but ours are not human until seven months.  Viability changes with technology.  Does the definition of a human also change with technology? 

These are some problems inherent in the proabortion position.  When you ask proabortion people where their line is and why, they cannot be consistent.  Whatever criteria they use for excluding the fetus from humanity produces consequences they don’t want, and they end up picking and choosing what they want in an ad hoc way.

I have been discussing where proabortion people draw their line, but where they draw their line is tied up with what they think a person is. 

A fetus is alive, and a fetus is human.  A fetus is, thus, a human life.  Many proabortion people will admit this much.  They look at the science, at the continuity of the organism, at the photos, and at the feelings we all have, and admit that a fetus is a human life, but they do not admit that a fetus is a person.  Peter Singer is a good example of this.  Singer is a philosophy professor at Princeton, a proabortion thinker, and perhaps the best-known popularizer of this distinction between a human and a person.  If you were to ask Singer if the fetus is human, he would say, “yes.”  He realizes that the fetus must be human for the scientific and logical reasons already given.  But he wishes to make a distinction between a human and a person.  All beings with human mothers and fathers, human DNA, human body parts, etc are humans.  But not all humans are persons.  To Singer, persons must have consciousness, rational reflection, and autonomy, the ability to make decisions.[1]

He concludes that the fetus does not have these features and, thus, is not entitled to life. 

I have two enormous problems with Singer’s definition.  First, I find it disturbing for us to decide which humans are persons and which humans are not.  Singer’s position requires that we make this distinction, but the moment we make it, we put ourselves in the position of God.  We then say, “These humans deserve life.  Those humans don’t . . . These humans are real people.  Those are not.”  This stance is chilling.  This stance is what the Nazis did.  This stance is how you justify genocide and slavery.  And apparently abortion as well. 

Second.  Singer argues that no human is a person unless he has self-awareness, rational reflection and autonomy.  Newborns do not yet have those features.  People with Alzheimer’s, people in comas, people in vegetative states – all such people do not have those features.  I have a cousin who suffered brain damage in an auto accident, and after the accident, to the best of my knowledge, she had no self-awareness at all.  Was she a real person?  This is a huge problem with the position that a person must have certain abilities to be a real person.  In order to be consistent, Singer must allow for infanticide and for the killing of certain segments of the population. 

Surprisingly, Singer allows for such and argues on behalf of infanticide.  He writes:

I do not regard the conflict between the position I have taken and widely accepted views about the sanctity of infant life as a ground for abandoning my position.  These widely accepted views need to be challenged.[2]

Stop.  Go back and read that again. 

Singer admits that infants do not have self-awareness, rational reflection or autonomy and that they are, thus, not real people.  Singer thus admits that it is morally allowable to kill them.  Most proabortion people will not go that far because most proabortion people are not consistent.  Singer understands that if he is to be consistent, infanticide is a morally viable option. 

If your criteria for personhood requires abilities like self-awareness, rational reflection, and autonomy, then when exactly does a person become a person?  A year after birth?  A year and a half?  Three years?  When?  If you rely on vague categories like these, you can’t draw a line at which a person becomes a person.  You can’t draw it.  But the line comes after birth, and the line moves, and the line is subject to the interpretations of those who have power.  This, too, is chilling. 

Singer’s conclusions are my criticism of Singer’s ideas.  Singer’s conclusions are why I protest at vague criteria for personhood like self-awareness, rational reflection and autonomy.  I do not believe it is morally justifiable to kill infants.  Or people with Alzheimer’s.  Or people with severe Down’s Syndrome.  This thinking is heinous. 

But this thinking is the logical conclusion of the proabortion idea that a person is not a person unless he is self-aware, rational, and autonomous.  For those who believe this idea, I am glad most of you do not favor infanticide.  I am glad you are inconsistent in your thinking, but please understand that I am pointing out your inconsistency as evidence that your position is flawed. 

The fetus is a human.  All humans are persons.  Period. 


[1] Singer, Peter.  Practical Ethics. 2nd ed., Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993, pp. 169, 171, 188.

[2] Singer, Peter.  Writings on an Ethical Life.  London: Fourth Estate, 2000. p. 161.

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